Chapter 8 focuses in on three main networks of the United Nations climate change regime. The purpose of this chapter was to highlight how much networks have an influence on international climate regime. These three networks are gender equality advocates, Indigenous Peoples and waste pickers. These three networks have all gained rights in the UN, in order to discuss how they’ve experienced climate injustice. To assess how these efforts would play out, regime rights were introduced. “Regime Rights”, defined as privileges for particular groups that enable certain behaviors and outcomes, and constrain others, within, and extending from, a given international treaty or other agreement were split into four different categories, for different types of related struggles between the first three networks. These four categories of regime rights were: recognition, which functioned to diffuse, codify and institutionalize norms that link entitlements or protections to the group’s identity; representation, which functioned to enhance the institutional inclusion, participation and/or representation of particular groups in regime politics; capabilities, to enhance the capability to act upon representation rights, overcoming various forms of inequality; and extended rights, which served to establish international mechanisms that uphold rights at the local, state and/or regional level. Each network is broken down into these four categories.

Gender equality advocates and Indigenous Peoples’ views are extremely important at the UNFCCC because it brings in the different views of the man’s opinion versus the woman’s opinion. Without both sides views, it would be difficult to assess inequality. Indigenous people, who mostly live off of the land, are impacted by climate change in a bigger way than the majority of other groups. The biggest move made for these two groups, has been of representation, and both have worked extensively for enhanced representation in the eyes of the UNFCCC by enhancing “civil participation”, “institutional procedures”, “procedural gains”, and “global citizenship”. As for capability, just because of their representation, and being able to voice their opinions, vote, and amend proposals, doesn’t necessarily mean that their influence is significant. Extended rights take on two main forms. The first form, normative interventions, which rely on arguments and actions to verify the fairness of a given course of action, and the second form, technical interventions, focuses on achieving extended rights, based primarily on re-interpreting scientific criteria or practice. There was no mention of gender equality concerns in the founding 1992 UNFCCC, nor in the Kyoto Protocol, but it had been discussed previously in the beginning years of climate politics. There are two main concerns for marginalization, being gender roles in the home and division of labor, and also, women representation in the UNFCCC, which is mostly ran by men. Depending on where these people live, the women have different daily tasks, such as gathering wood for fire, and water for cooking. Due to women going out and doing these chores, more die due to being hurt. Gender roles weren’t integrated into UNFCCC texts until 2001, but did not ensure change, and didn’t address gender inequality in mitigation, adaption finance, or technology use. The most effective advancement for women was the founding of the Women’s Caucus in 2007. This caucus provided gender equality advocates daily meetings. This Caucus gained its own official sector in the UNFCCC called the Women and Gender Constituency, which is a combination of networks which includes Women in Europe for a Common Future, Gender Climate Change and Women’s Environment and Development Organization.

Indigenous Peoples’ network had three main concerns. They often have little access to resources to cope with the changes to climate. Second, Indigenous Peoples’ groups argue that the impacts of climate change mitigation have caused a split of territories, and harm to the ecosystems that the rely on. Third, Indigenous Peoples argue that they have “protected the Earth from commodification and over-exploitation for centuries”, and their accomplishments should be rewarded. In 2000, the International Indigenous Peoples Forum on Climate Change (IIPFCC) was established, but no relevant progress was made in the negotiations for years. In 2007, Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Land Degradation in Developing Countries (REDD+) was adopted. Text was now included in the framework to address the needs of local and Indigenous communities.

Waste pickers, such as Mohite, who rely on their “job” in order to feed their families, now looked up to the Global Alliance of Waste Pickers and Allies (GAWA). Strategies of GAWA fall into three main categories. First, increasing recognition of how climate change policy is undermining waste picker livelihood. Second, GAWA has sought to influence the Green Climate Fund (GCF) to secure a funding stream for waste picker organizations, and third, gaining extended rights for waste pickers through reform of the CDM’s waste methodology. According to figure 8.2, the least amount of progress was made with capability. Most rights gained were in the form of recognition.

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